| Notes |
The Encyclopedia of Political Thought, First Edition. Edited by Michael T. Gibbons.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
DOI: 10.1002/9781118474396.wbept0184
Communitarianism
Amitai Etzioni
Communitarianism is a social philosophy that,
in contrast to theories that emphasize the
centrality of the individual, emphasizes the
importance of society in articulating the good.
Communitarianism is often contrasted with
liberalism, a theory which holds that each
individual should formulate the good on his or
her own. Communitarians examine the ways
shared conceptions of the good are formed,
transmitted, justified, and enforced. Hence,
their interest in communities (and moral dialogues within them), the historical transmission of values and mores, and the societal units
that transmit and enforce values – such as the
family, schools, and voluntary associations
(including places of worship), which are all
parts of communities.
Although the term “communitarian” was
coined only in the mid-nineteenth century,
ideas that are communitarian in nature can be
found in the Old and New Testaments, Catholic
theology (e.g., emphasis on the church as
community, and more recently on subsidiarity),
Fabian and socialist doctrine (e.g., writings
about the early commune and about workers’
solidarity), and the writings of Edmund Burke.
In recent decades, there have been two
major waves of communitarianism: the
academic communitarianism of the 1980s,
and the responsive communitarianism of the
1990s. The academic communitarians of the
1980s were a small group of political theorists
concerned with outlining the “social
dimension” of the person. Responsive communitarians, also called political or neocommunitarians, were a group of scholars and
policy-makers who, in the 1990s, stressed that
societies cannot be based on one normative
principle, and that both individual rights and
the common good are major sources of
normativity, without either one being a priori
privileged.
Academic Communitarianism
The communitarian theory of the self emerged
largely as a critical reaction to liberalism –
especially John Rawls’s seminal liberal text,
A Theory of Justice (Rawls 1971 ). In that
work, Rawls formulated a concept of justice
based upon the inviolable rights of individuals,
declaring that “each person possesses an inviolability founded on justice that even the welfare of society as a whole cannot override”
(Rawls 1971 : 3).
According to Rawls’s communitarian critics,
the liberal portrayal of the self depicts an
autonomous creature who – outside of a
formative social context – weighs various
values and goods and exercises her liberty by
freely choosing among them. Communitarians
argue that this liberal conception, with its
heavy emphasis on choice and autonomy,
ignores the crucial fact that individuals are
“embedded” in societies, finding themselves
affected by external forces that influence their
ultimate decision. Michael Sandel has thus
observed that
the weakness of the liberal conception of freedom is bound up with its appeal. If we understand ourselves as free and independent selves,
unbound by moral ties we haven’t chosen, we
can’t make sense of a range of moral and
political obligations that we commonly recognize, even prize. (Sandel 2009 : 220)
Among these, Sandel argues, are solidarity,
loyalty, historic memory, and religious faith.
People feel the force of these moral ties without
choosing to be pressured and shaped by them.
Charles Taylor expounded on that view in an
essay called “Atomism,” in which he wrote that
the free individual of the West is only what he is
by virtue of the whole society and civilization
2
which brought him to be and which nourishes
him … all this creates a significant obligation to
belong for whoever would affirm the value of
this freedom; this includes all those who want to
assert rights either to this freedom or for its
sake. (Taylor 1985 : 206, emphasis added)
Some scholars argue that the liberal vision is
not atomized, and the initial conflict between
liberals and communitarians has been overstated or misconceived (Bell 2010 ). Simon
Caney, for instance, notes Rawls’s contention
that “the theory of a well-ordered society
stresses that the interests and ends of individuals depend upon existing institutions” (Rawls
1975: 547, quoted in Caney 1992 : 279). Caney
also points out that Rawls, despite his emphasis
on autonomy, is not hostile to the notion of an
embedded self, citing Rawls’s insight that “Only
in the social union is the individual complete”
(Rawls 1971 : 525, quoted in Caney 1992 : 279).
Indeed, as Caney concludes, “many liberals
explicitly endorse the embeddedness thesis”
(1992: 277). Philip Selznick has similarly
affirmed this “liberal communitarianism” (or
“communitarian liberalism”) (Selznick 1994 :
16). While there may have been disputes at the
margins between strong communitarians and
strong liberals (or libertarians), most liberals
did not deny the formative role of communities, even if they continued to prize choice as
a normative good and tended to value freedom
over community (Bell 2010 ).
Responsive Communitarians
A second wave of communitarianism was
launched in 1990 in response to the increased
atomization of western societies, especially the
USA and Britain in the Reagan and Thatcher
years (documented by scholars such as Robert
Bellah).
Attempting to counter this trend, a group
calling itself “responsive communitarians,”
founded by Amitai Etzioni with William A.
Galston, called for a balance between liberty
and social order, arguing that individuals faced
responsibilities for their families, communities,
and societies – above and beyond the universal
rights all individuals command, the focus of
liberalism. Responsive communitarians offered
a “new golden rule”: “Respect and uphold society’s moral order as you would have society
respect and uphold your autonomy to live a full
life” (Etzioni 1996 : xviii).
Responsive communitarians argue that the
preservation of the social bonds is essential for
the flourishing of individuals and of societies.
This led to their view that states should “sustain and promote the social attachments crucial to our sense of well-being and respect,
many of which have been involuntarily picked
up during the course of our upbringing” (Bell
2010 ). For liberals, this idea is treated as if it
requires the state to determine the good and
then direct its laws toward promoting that
good, which is considered a grievous error.
Liberals argue that citizens may fundamentally
disagree about what the good is, and so
attempts by the state to pursue a specific good
will limit the freedom of those citizens who
disagree. Better, liberals argue, to have the state
remain neutral among various competing
teleologies.
Communitarians counter that such a position conflates the concepts of state and society
(or community). The underlying reason is that,
from a strict liberal viewpoint, social pressures
(which can lead people who violate the norms –
“deviants” – to be ostracized), as well as state
coercions, both violate individual freedoms.
Communities, critics write, use their moral
voice to oppress people, are authoritarian by
nature, and pressure people to conform.
However, from a communitarian viewpoint,
informal social controls are vastly superior to
state coercion, because they ultimately leave
the choice of violating social norms up to the
individual, letting her determine whether or
not she is willing to pay the social costs – as all
innovators and social change leaders have – or
conform. In contrast, state coercion pre-empts
such a choice, as one sees in all oppressive
regimes.
A comparison of the great success of public
smoking bans to the grand failure of Prohibition
in the USA is revealing. The former relied
3
heavily on new shared norms and on informal
communal controls, while the latter relied on
the state to enforce a law not based on widely
shared values. Given that some behaviors must
be ordered in all societies, the best one can
hope for is a world in which these behaviors are
largely promoted and enforced by informal
social processes, with the state acting only to
enforce these norms at the margins, in order to
keep the communal consensus from fraying.
(At the same time, the norms themselves are
constantly recast by various changes in the
communal composition.)
Hence, responsive communitarians pay
special attention to social institutions, which
form the moral infrastructure of society:
families, schools, communities, and the
community of communities. Through families
and schools, societies impart the community’s
shared norms and values onto its new members. Those members are free to accept or
reject those norms and either embrace or leave
the community, but the community has a role
in inculcating them.
Critics of communitarianism charged that
this approach is hostile toward individual rights
and autonomy – even that it is authoritarian.
Derek Phillips, for instance, remarks, communitarian thinking … obliterates individual
autonomy entirely and dissolves the self into
whatever roles are imposed by one’s position in
society” (1993: 183). Other critics argue that
communities are dominated by power elites or
that one group within a community will force
others to abide by its values.
It is true that communitarians, in casting
doubt on the desirability of a polity composed
of atomized choosers, harbor an impulse
toward shared values and consensus building.
Yet responsive communitarians do not favor
rolling back individual rights, but rather, paralleling them with concerns for the common
good and the discharge of social responsibilities. They further counter that behind many of
these criticisms lies an image of old, or total,
communities, which are neither typical of
modern society nor necessary for, nor compatible with, a communitarian society.
Old communities (e.g., traditional villages,
tribes, and clans) were geographically bounded
and the only communities of which people
were members. In contrast, new communities
are often limited in scope and reach. Members
of one residential community are often also
members of other communities – for example
work, ethnic, or religious ones. As a result,
community members have multiple sources of
attachments and, if one threatens to become
overwhelming, individuals will tend to pull
back and turn to another community for their
attachments. This multicommunity membership protects the individuals from both moral
oppression and ostracism. However, incongruity between the values of a person’s multiple
communities may substantially weaken the
moral voice; thus the importance of the next
level moral community.
In short, the moral voice is most powerful when people are members of only one
community, and it can be overwhelming in
such cases. It is more moderated when individuals are members of several communities, but
it still suffices to undergird the needed social
order, as long as the various members share at
least some core values.
For the same basic reason it is a valid criticism to argue that a total and monolithic
community can drive people to conformism, if
this means that such a community will push
people to sacrifice large parts of their individual
differences in order to follow shared values.
But total communities are rare in modern societies, while multicommunity attachments are
much more common. In other words, it is
likely misguided to worry about traditionalism
in the modern context.
Furthermore, dominance by power elites
and other forms of authoritarianism are not
basic or inherent features of community, but
reflections of the way it has been distorted. To
be fully or even highly communitarian, communities require authentic commitment of
most – if not all – of their members to a set of
core values. To attain such a commitment, the
values that are being fostered need to be truly
accepted by the members and responsive to
4
their underlying needs. If some members of the
society are excluded from the moral dialogue,
or are manipulated into abiding by the moral
voice, or if their true needs are ignored, they
will eventually react to the community’s lack of
responsiveness in an antisocial manner. In
short, communities can be distorted by those
in power, but then their moral order will be
diminished, and they will either have to
become more responsive to their members’
true needs or transform into some other noncommunitarian social pattern.
Still other critics have accused communitarians not merely of overlooking the less attractive features of traditional communities, but of
longing to revive these features. According to
Michael Taves, the communitarian vision concerns itself mostly with “reclaiming a reliance
on traditional values and all that entails with
regard to the family, sexual relations, religion,
and the rejection of secularism” (Taves 1988 :
7–8). Amy Gutmann pointedly remarks that
communitarians “want us to live in Salem”
(Gutmann 1985 : 319), a community of strong
shared values that went so far as to accuse nonconformist members of witchcraft during the
seventeenth century. Early communitarians
might be charged with being, in effect, social
conservatives, if not authoritarians; however,
there is no necessary link here. In fact, responsive communitarians do not seek to return to
traditional communities, with their authoritarian power structure, rigid stratification, and
discriminatory practices against minorities
and women. Responsive communitarians seek
to build communities based on open participation, dialogue, and truly shared values. Linda
McClain, although a critic, nonetheless recognizes this feature of the responsive communitarians, writing that some communitarians do
“recognize the need for careful evaluation of
what is good and bad about [any specific] tradition and the possibility of severing certain
features … from others” (McClain 1994 : 1030).
Several critics argue that the concept of
community is of questionable value because it
is so ill defined. Thus, Margaret Stacey argues
that, “There has never been a theory of
community, nor even a satisfactory definition
of what community is” (in Bell & Newby 1974 :
xliii) and suggests that the term be completely
avoided.
In response, Amitai Etzioni has argued that
community can be defined with reasonable
precision. Community has two characteristics:
first, a web of affect-laden relationships among
a group of individuals, relationships that often
crisscross and reinforce one another (as
opposed to one-on-one or chain-like individual
relationships); and second, a measure of commitment to a set of shared values, norms, and
meanings, and a shared history and identity –
in short, a particular culture.
These cultures change over time through a
process of moral dialogue, which occurs when a
group of people engage in a process of sorting
the values that will guide their lives. Such dialogues are distinct from the deliberative ideal
that is found in many discussions of democracy.
That model assumes that citizens can debate
controversial matters in a logical and rational
way, without letting their emotions dominate.
This precept tends to downplay nonrational but
still valid considerations, such as ethical or religious deliberations. (It may also overstate citizens’ ability to analyze complex public matters.)
Communitarians recognize that although
moral dialogues take place constantly in wellformed societies – which most democracies are –
and frequently result in the affirmation of a new
direction, this generally occurs only after
prolonged and often difficult discourse.
Finally, communitarians have noted that
communities need to be embedded socially
and morally in more encompassing entities if
violent conflict among them is to be avoided.
Society should not be viewed as composed of
millions of individuals, but as pluralism (of
communities) within unity (the society). The
existence of subcultures and dissent does not
undermine societal unity as long as there is a
core of shared values and institutions.
SEE ALSO: Burke, Edmund (1729–97) ;
Community ; Fabianism ; Liberalism ; Rawls, John
(1921–2002) ; Taylor, Charles (1931–)
5
References
Bell , C. and Newby , H. ( 1974 ) The Sociology of
Community: A Selection of Readings . London :
Frank Cass .
Bell , D. A. ( 2010 ) “ Communitarianism .” In Edward
N. Zalta (Ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of
Philosophy , http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/
fall2010/entries/communitarianism (accessed
December 4, 2013).
Caney , S. ( 1992 ) “ Liberalism and
Communitarianism: A Misconceived Debate ,”
Political Studies 40 ( 2 ), 273 – 89 .
Etzioni , A. ( 1996 ) The New Golden Rule:
Community and Morality in a Democratic Society .
New York : Basic Books .
Gutmann , A. ( 1985 ) “ Communitarian Critics of
Liberalism ,” Philosophy and Public Affairs 14 ( 3 ),
308 – 22 .
McClain , L. C. ( 1994 ) “ Rights and Irresponsibility ,”
Duke Law Journal , 43 ( 5 ), 989 – 1088 .
Phillips , D. L. ( 1993 ) Looking Backward: A Critical
Appraisal of Communitarian Thought . Princeton,
NJ : Princeton University Press .
Rawls , J. ( 1971 ) A Theory of Justice . Cambridge,
MA : Belknap Press of Harvard University Press .
Sandel , M. ( 2009 ) Justice: What’s the Right Thing to
Do? New York : Farrar, Straus and Giroux .
Selznick , P. ( 1994 ) “ Foundations of Communitarian
Liberalism ,” The Responsive Community 4 ( 4 ),
16 – 28 .
Taves , M. ( 1988 ) “ Roundtable on
Communitarianism ,” Telos , 76 , 2 – 32 .
Taylor , C. ( 1985 ) “ Atomism .” In C. Taylor ,
Philosophy and the Human Sciences: Philosophical
Papers 2 . Cambridge : Cambridge University
Press .
Further Reading
Bell , D. A. ( 1993 ) Communitarianism and Its
Critics . Oxford : Oxford University Press .
Bellah , R. , Madsen , R. , Sullivan , W. , et al. ( 1985 )
Habits of the Heart: Individualism and
Commitment in American Life . Berkeley :
University of California Press .
Etzioni , A. ( 1994 ) The Spirit of Community: The
Reinvention of American Society . New York :
Touchstone .
Etzioni , A. ( 1999 ) The Limits of Privacy . New York :
Basic Books .
Galston , W. ( 1991 ) Liberal Purposes: Goods, Virtues,
and Diversity in the Liberal State . Cambridge :
Cambridge University Press .
MacIntyre , A. ( 1981 ) After Virtue: A Study in Moral
Theory . Notre Dame, IN : University of Notre
Dame Press .
Putnam , R. ( 2000 ) Bowling Alone: The Collapse and
Revival of Community in America . New York :
Simon & Schuster .
Sandel , M. ( 1998 ) Liberalism and the Limits of
Justice . Cambridge : Cambridge University
Press .
Selznick , P. ( 2002 ) The Communitarian Persuasion .
Washington, DC : Woodrow Wilson Center
Press . |